As President marks the third year of his administration, insecurity remains one of the greatest tests of his leadership. From terrorism in the North East to banditry in the North West, communal violence in the Middle Belt and rising kidnappings across the country, security continues to dominate national discourse and shape public perception of the government.
When Tinubu assumed office on May 29, 2023, he promised Nigerians a safer country. In his inaugural speech, he pledged to strengthen the armed forces, improve intelligence gathering and restore peace in communities ravaged by violence. The administration projected confidence that terrorism, kidnapping and banditry would be decisively tackled through better coordination among security agencies.
Over the last three years, government officials have repeatedly argued that progress has been made. National Security Adviser and former Defence Minister consistently maintained that criminal networks were being weakened and military operations were yielding results.
According to official figures, over 13,000 terrorists and armed criminals have reportedly been killed since 2023, while nearly 10,000 kidnapped victims were rescued during joint military operations involving the Army, Air Force, Navy and intelligence agencies.
Authorities also claimed that more than 124,000 Boko Haram and ISWAP fighters, alongside their family members, surrendered during counterinsurgency operations in the North East.
The government further highlighted the dismantling of notorious bandit camps in parts of Zamfara, Kaduna, Katsina and Niger states. Some farming communities and roads previously abandoned because of insecurity have gradually reopened, while attacks on major highways reportedly reduced in some areas compared to previous years.
Another major achievement frequently cited by the administration is the protection of oil infrastructure in the Niger Delta. Before Tinubu came into office, crude oil theft and pipeline vandalism had severely affected Nigeria’s oil production and national revenue. Through intensified military surveillance and crackdowns on illegal bunkering, authorities said oil production recovered to between 1.5 and 1.6 million barrels per day by 2025.
The administration also strengthened coordination among security agencies under the Office of the National Security Adviser. The ONSA, created under the National Security Agencies Act of 1986, remains one of the most strategic institutions in Nigeria’s security structure. It advises the president, coordinates intelligence sharing and oversees national counterterrorism efforts.
However, controversy emerged following the creation of the Office of the Special Adviser on Homeland Security. Critics argued that the office appeared to overlap with the responsibilities of the NSA, raising fears of duplication and rivalry within an already complex security framework. Supporters of the initiative insisted that the Homeland Security Office was designed to focus specifically on domestic threats such as cybercrime, border security, organised crime and the protection of critical national infrastructure.
Despite the administration’s claims of progress, insecurity has continued to spread across many parts of the country. Barely months after Tinubu assumed office, attacks intensified in Zamfara, Kaduna, Niger and Sokoto states, where armed bandits repeatedly raided villages, abducted residents and imposed levies on rural communities.
In September 2023, renewed violence in Plateau and Benue states left scores dead and displaced thousands of villagers. The government condemned the attacks and deployed additional security personnel, but the incidents exposed the deep-rooted nature of communal and armed conflicts in rural Nigeria.
The situation became even more alarming in December 2023 when coordinated attacks on Bokkos and Barkin Ladi communities in Plateau State reportedly killed more than 150 people. Entire villages were burnt, thousands displaced and many survivors forced to flee into neighbouring communities. The massacre reignited national outrage and intensified criticism of the government’s ability to protect vulnerable populations.
One of the darkest moments of the Tinubu administration came in March 2024, when more than 280 pupils and teachers were abducted from schools in Kuriga, Kaduna State. The incident revived painful memories of previous school kidnappings that had drawn global attention to Nigeria’s insecurity crisis. Although the victims were eventually rescued after weeks in captivity, the abduction highlighted the continued vulnerability of schools and rural communities.
At the same time, Boko Haram and ISWAP fighters continued to launch attacks in parts of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states, demonstrating that insurgent networks around the Lake Chad region remained active despite years of military operations.
Across 2024 and into 2025, kidnappings, killings and village raids persisted in Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Kebbi, Kaduna, Niger and Plateau states. Benue communities repeatedly came under deadly attacks, while kidnapping incidents spread into parts of the Federal Capital Territory and surrounding highways, raising fears even among urban residents.
Perhaps one of the most controversial aspects of the government’s counterinsurgency strategy has been the growing reliance on military airstrikes. While the military insists that aerial bombardments have weakened terrorist camps and criminal hideouts, repeated incidents involving civilian casualties triggered national and international outrage.
The deadliest incident occurred on December 3, 2023, in Tudun Biri community of Kaduna State, where a military drone mistakenly bombed villagers gathered for Maulud celebrations. Official figures placed the death toll at about 85 people, though local leaders and rights organisations claimed over 120 people, including women and children, were killed.
President Tinubu described the tragedy as “disturbing and painful” and ordered an investigation. The military later admitted that the gathering had been wrongly identified as a bandit hideout during surveillance operations.
Similar incidents followed in Zamfara, Sokoto and Kaduna states during anti-bandit operations. In April 2026, reports emerged that military jets pursuing insurgents mistakenly bombed a market in Jilli, around the Yobe-Borno border, with fears that the death toll could exceed 200 people. Human rights organisations, including and , criticised the military over poor intelligence gathering and weak accountability mechanisms.
The repeated airstrike controversies exposed a major dilemma confronting the Tinubu administration — how to aggressively fight insurgents while still protecting civilian lives.
Beyond military operations, Nigeria’s geography continues to complicate the fight against insecurity. Vast forests and difficult terrains across the North East and North West have become safe havens for terrorists, bandits and kidnappers.
The notorious remains one of the most dangerous insurgent enclaves in Africa. Its thick vegetation and hidden routes have allowed Boko Haram fighters to survive years of military offensives. Other forests such as Alagarno, Rugu, Kuyambana, Kamuku and Sububu have also evolved into operational bases for criminal groups.
Kidnapped victims are often taken deep into these forests where ransom negotiations are conducted far from government control. Security experts say poor road networks, weak telecommunications, porous borders and difficult terrain continue to undermine military operations.
Even conservation areas such as have reportedly become transit corridors and temporary camps for armed groups involved in terrorism, kidnapping and illegal mining.
Analysts argue that Nigeria’s insecurity crisis cannot be solved through military action alone. They point to poverty, youth unemployment, weak governance, corruption, illegal arms trafficking and poor border management as major drivers of violence. Others warn that the displacement of rural communities could deepen humanitarian crises and further weaken public trust in the government.
International attention on Nigeria’s insecurity also intensified in late 2025 after former United States President accused Nigeria of failing to stop mass killings of Christians. The Nigerian government rejected the claims, insisting that the violence affects both Muslims and Christians and is driven largely by terrorism, banditry and communal conflicts rather than religion.
The controversy grew after reports of joint operations involving Nigerian and American forces around Sokoto and the Lake Chad region reportedly led to the killing of Abu-Bilal al-Minuki, said to be a senior ISIS commander in West Africa.
Ultimately, Tinubu’s security record presents a complicated picture. On one hand, terrorist camps have been dismantled, thousands of hostages rescued and oil infrastructure protection improved. On the other hand, killings, kidnappings and mass displacement continue across several states, while many rural communities still live under constant fear.
For millions of Nigerians, insecurity remains more than a political issue, it is a daily reality that affects farming, education, transportation and economic survival. Farmers continue to abandon their lands, schools remain vulnerable and many communities still rely on self-defence groups because of limited government presence.
As President Tinubu approaches the final stretch of his first tenure, the central question remains whether his administration has truly moved Nigeria closer to lasting peace or merely managed to contain a crisis that continues to evolve. Under Nigeria’s Constitution, the security and welfare of citizens remain the primary responsibility of government. For many Nigerians still trapped between violence, displacement and uncertainty, that promise remains only partially fulfilled.
